NGOs take many shapes and forms, operating at various governing scales and levels. As a categorical form, NGOs often emerged as benevolent philanthropists or as antagonistic actors. Relative to governments, NGOs are envisioned to fill a void of unmet public services, exposing shortcomings, or in extreme cases, gain notoriety by applying aggressive campaigns in confrontational ways. However, more recent manifestations of NGOs are maneuvering political strategies in more elegant and reflexive ways that do not always match their more classical categorizations. Notwithstanding the proliferation of literature indicating the evolving role of NGOs, the theorizing of existing definitions and the usage of NGO as a category in the scientific literature remain anachronistic, recalling a particular imaginary of a rather simplistic idea. Indeed, as a category of analysis, the academic literature and associated political commentary refer to NGOs in normative terms that invoke benevolent, independent, and non-profit agents striving for common goals to foster societal betterment. We argue that such normative definitions of NGOs no longer reflect the empirics, and indeed obscure the overall role that such actors perform. By more closely examining NGO activities and the strategies they employ to achieve political goals, we argue that NGOs, like other interest groups, are highly political actors that pursue self-interests in ways that we might not otherwise recognize.

Introduction:
As political-economic forces at every scale and locus are transforming nature and society, struggles are mounting over access to natural resources. Wide-ranging and deepening inequality (e.g. Hickel 2017) suggests that questions of access are germane to critical social science today, possibly even more than in previous decades. Resource access struggles are part and parcel of unequal exchanges and outcomes, failure to recognize claims, lack of participation in decision making, and market processes. Access theory, not least Ribot and Peluso’s (2003) A Theory of Access, presents concepts of power, control, benefits and burdens for analyzing access, which continue to gain pertinence today. Access theory and analysis have continually proven to be a versatile way to understand some of the most elusive obstacles to effective natural resources governance such as elite control over resources, exploitative market relations, and policies that eschew rights.

This special issue was triggered by the 15 year anniversary of the publication of A Theory of Access and encompasses a literature review of A Theory of Access followed by eight articles with conceptual and empirical advances in access theory. It concludes with a postscript by Jesse Ribot and Nancy Peluso, reflecting on this special issue and A Theory of Access 15 years after its publication. In this introduction, we introduce access theory and the contributions of each article to new ways of theorizing and applying the concept of access.

The European Union introduced Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Action Plan, with Voluntary Partnership Agreements (VPA) and the EU Timber Regulation (EUTR) as the key components. The VPA and EUTR have been conceived as complementary tools to establish a “level playing field.” This paper analyses how a level playing field has been conceptualized, approached, and experienced in practice. It focuses on the adoption and implementation of EUTR and VPA in Europe, Indonesia, and Ghana. Our research highlights inequities in the practice of “leveling” and outcomes from a presumed level field. Stakeholder engagement excluded some factions of the private sector, notably SME operators, favoring select NGOs in general. New systems also favor larger operators who possess more capacity to deal with legality requirements. This leads small operators to perceive of a so-called level playing field as one in which they are disadvantaged, indicating multiple injustices against already vulnerable groups.

This article aims to observe the dynamics of policy implementation involving various stakeholders in the effort of conserving one of the National Parks in Indonesia, particularly Merapi Mountain National Park (Taman Nasional Gunung Merapi – TNGM). Following the Zoning Policy implemented in the TNGM area, there is a zone that should have been protected from mining activities, namely the reconstruction and mitigation zone. However, in its implementation, the conservation collaboration agreement of one of the areas in the zone, namely the Kali Putih Area, is instead used by some parties to engage in sand mining activities. The principal-agent theory is, thus, employed in this study to examine the extent of the relationship of every party in the zoning policy implementation process of an area designated as a Reconstruction and Mitigation Zone. The qualitative approach is used to gain direct insights pertaining to the implementation of efforts conducted by several relevant parties in conserving the Kali Putih Area in TNGM’s Reconstruction and Mitigation Zone. Study results ultimately show that moral hazard in the principal-agent theory should not only be understood as deviant behaviors enacted by the agent, but the moral hazard performed by the agent may also in􏱌luence the principal’s decision making process. This research is expected to provide an outlook to the government, which functions as the principal in a policy, to make several considerations prior to entering into any collaborative agreement or making any decision, so that the implementation process of policies can align with what has been previously planned.

Large-scale illegal logging and associated trade in illegally sourced wood products are recognized as pervasive drivers of deforestation and forest degradation in many developing countries. To address the problems, the European Union (EU) adopted the Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Action Plan in 2003 with the Voluntary Partnership Agreements (VPAs) and the EU Timber Regulation (EUTR) as key components. Following the introduction of these initiatives, concerns have been raised about the potential of timber producers to avoid the new legality requirements. Based on interviews with timber actors in Ghana and Indonesia, this paper explores the practices of timber producers, identifying various strategies they undertake to circumvent timber legality requirements. It also explores their motivations for doing so. The study found that timber legality verification presents challenges to timber producers in Ghana and Indonesia. They therefore engage in a number of practices to avoid timber legality. These practices entail a range of actions that bypass EU market legality requirements and/or domestic laws. Motivations included instrumental, normative and contextual factors, such as the costs associated with complying with the legality requirements, and the perception that the new regulations are overly burdensome. Moreover, for many operators, there is the feeling that timber legality as it is unfolding in the countries is an imposition that fails to take into account local realities; as such, evading legality becomes a legitimate response. Through their focus on legal formalisation and strengthened enforcement, the VPA and EUTR implicitly stipulate an instrumental perspective to compliance. The paper, therefore, contends that, for the FLEGT Action Plan to achieve its objective of addressing illegal logging and, ultimately, deforestation and forest degradation in developing countries, FLEGT policy makers and implementers must also pay attention to the normative and contextual factors of compliance.

Deforestation and forest degradation are complex and dynamic processes that vary from place to place. They are driven by multiple causes. Local communities are, to some extent, driving and also affected by some of these processes. Can their knowledge aid and add to place-specific assessment and monitoring of Deforestation and forest Degradation (DD) drivers? Our research was conducted in seven villages across three provinces of Indonesia (Papua, West Kalimantan and Central Java). Household surveys and focus group discussions were used to investigate how local community knowledge of DD drivers contributes to place-specific assessment and monitoring of DD drivers. We analyzed the link between drivers and local livelihoods to see how attempts to address deforestation and forest degradation might affect local communities and how this link might influence their participation in climate change mitigation measures such as Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) and Measuring, Reporting and Verifying (MRV) activities. We found that local knowledge is fundamental to capturing the variety of drivers particularly in countries like Indonesia where forest and socio-economic conditions are diverse. Better understanding of drivers and their importance for local livelihoods will not only contribute to a more locally appropriate design of REDD+ and monitoring systems but will also foster local participation.

This paper presents an assessment of the outcomes of research carried out under the Sustainable Wetlands Adaptation and Mitigation Programme (SWAMP). SWAMP aimed to inform national and international climate policy and practice by developing tools and methods to quantify greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, carbon stocks and flux in tropical wetlands due to land use, land-use change and forestry (LULUCF). This assessment modelled SWAMP's intended outcomes as a theory of change (ToC) and used qualitative methods to test the ToC and to evaluate whether and how the outcomes were achieved. It found that SWAMP research has helped raise academic and policy interest in wetlands, mangroves and peat forests as carbon reservoirs, and that SWAMP's recommendations informed policy discourse and supported the development of technical guidance and strategies of sustainable wetland management. However, the research had a weak effect on international and Indonesian climate change policies compared to other factors. The Paris Agreement and Indonesia's nationally determined contribution (NDC) do not include the quantification of carbon stocks from mangroves, which are not all located in the forest areas. Knowledge translation was achieved through a variety of mechanisms, with direct engagement identified as particularly important. The outcome evaluation approach proved useful as a way of conceptualising and organising the analysis of research impact on development outcomes.

This research paper identifies fiscal policy gaps that occur in Indonesia’s renewable energy (RE) sector and analyses its political economy. Primary data from 37 stakeholders and secondary data from fiscal policies from Indonesia’s 2007–2017 taken from Ministry of Finance (MOF) and Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources (MEMR) regulation databases. The fiscal policy data were analysed using a cluster approach and meta-synthesis method. The results show that Indonesia has experienced multi-faceted principal-agent problems between PT PLN, the agent with sole authority to manage electricity transmissions, and various principals, namely the Ministry of State Owned Enterprises (MSOE), the MEMR, the Ministry of Industry (MOI) as the intermediary between domestic and foreign RE industries, and the MOF. While changing the MEMR’s feed-in-tariff (FiT) policies sends an uncertain policy signal, the MOF’s fiscal incentive policies other than FiT to promote RE development in Indonesia remain sub-optimal; the fiscal policies required to incentivise a large volume of small- and medium-scale investment in RE are absent. Differentiated tax rates and tax-break periods for national and foreign companies on the micro, small and medium scales could significantly accelerate the development of RE by both domestic and foreign companies, supporting Indonesia in achieving its sustainable development goals and emission reduction targets under its nationally determined contribution.

The research investigates actors' power on Jeneberang watershed management. By using bureaucratic politics framing, we found that central government actors' patron much more drives the power. It is also found that dominant information and national budget incentives are used to segregate a dual coalition, such as watershed-based coalition under Ministry of Environment and Forestry (KLHK) patron and dam - river basin management coalition under the Ministry of Public Works and Public Housing (PUPR). The provincial government is trapped in these two major coalitions; they can not disburse these two strong patrons. These strong dual fragmentation coalitions also lead to the issue of comprehensive uncoordinated on managing a watershed landscape.

Rural development advocates are increasingly favouring policies that recognise community land rights in Indonesia, suggesting that recognition will protect forests and support livelihoods. In this article, we examine the effects of recognition by asking who benefits, and to what extent recognition impacts on livelihoods. Our case study focuses on an iconic site, the Kajang community of South Sulawesi, because advocates often point to that community as a model case. Based on over three years of field research on tenure and conflict among the Kajang, we highlight the discrepancy between the effects of recognition and existing livelihood realities. We show that communal territory in Kajang is a site of contestation, entangled in conflict over who can claim cultivation rights. We thus argue that representation of Kajang as harmonious forest communities governed by communal tenure is misleading. As advocates continue to promote similar policies elsewhere, we show that this kind of misrepresentation serves to further obscure the lingering land insecurity of rural Indonesians.

Although Indonesia is experiencing one of the most complex transformations of social forestry
policy in the world, there is a need to step back and more closely examine the politics, ecologies, and
economies that provide context for its implementation. This introduction offers a synthesis of the
collection of special section submissions in Forest and Society. We begin by navigating the current social
forestry moment by presenting a heuristic for identifying the discourses underpinning the rapid expansion
in support of social forestry schemes. These perspectives are fragmented across four continuously
contested discourses: community-first, legal-first, conservation-first, and development-first. We then
contextualize the historical developments that brought social forestry into its current form by laying out a
genealogy of its antecedents across three distinct generations. These three generations of social forestry
are roughly aligned with the overall political changes that have taken place in Indonesia, each of which
engaged in their own mechanisms for defining and administering social forestry. The first generation
roughly follows the period of New Order rule; a second generation began as the regime unraveled,
resulting in a period of reform and restructuring of the political system. At this time, new legal frameworks
were introduced, followed by the development of new implementation mechanisms. We argue that social
forestry has entered a third distinct period that is characterized by the expanding interests of numerous
stakeholders to formalize permitting schemes. This third generation presents new possibilities for
redefining land management on Indonesia’s vast national forests. The contributions to this special issue
shed new light on the overall implications of these changes. We divide the findings across submissions,
covering broad topical engagement on the economies, ecologies, and politics at different governing scales.
From these findings we suggest a course for future research, and identify key policy challenges for the
future of social forestry and for Indonesia.

A Theory of Access (Ribot and Peluso 2003) was published 15 years ago. With almost 1600 publications citing it, the paper is instrumental in expanding scholarly thinking beyond property by exploring notions of power. We reviewed all available literature that cited A Theory of Access to understand its influence on academic literature. We first analyse literature in relation to other frameworks with similar concerns: (1) entitlements framework, (2) sustainable livelihoods approach, (3) powers of exclusion; and subsequently move to a review of how it has been engaged in broader theoretical and conceptual debates in the social sciences: (4) gender, (5) materiality, (6) property and authority, and (7) power. The analysis shows most of the literature interacts with A Theory of Access superficially. Substantial attempts to address A Theory of Access were varied and often used it to develop other social theory rather than to modify A Theory of Access.

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Recent land management policies around the world have experienced a broader political push to resolve forest and land tenure conflict through agrarian reform policy. As a result, conservation bureaucracies are responding with both formal and informal interventions to acknowledge the role of people in forests. In this methods paper, we provide a closer examination of the ways that conservation bureaucracies apply their political capacity in negotiating forest and land tenure conflicts. Our proposed method measures both the capacity and actions of conservation bureaucracies, combining formal dimensions (such as of legal status, budget availability, and the type of organization unit) with informal dimensions (including ways of gaining authority, donors and funding, and trust). The framing is rooted in theories of bureaucratic politics, and while culled from rich empirical experiences from Indonesia, the proposed method is also applicable in examining bureaucratic politics in other natural resource governance contexts.
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We develop a method rooted in bureaucratic politics to measure the capacities of conservation agencies to manage forest land tenure conflict

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The proposed typology guides forest and land use policy researchers to incorporate emergent governance issues such as land tenure reform into their assessments of changing conservation bureaucracies

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The can be adapted for examination of bureaucratic capacities and actions in other contested natural resource contexts

SDG 10 calls for reducing inequalities within and among countries. This chapter evaluates the potential effects of addressing SDG 10 from an environmental justice perspective, which comprises three interrelated dimensions: representative, recognition and distributive justice. We find considerable synergies and complementarities between the SDG 10 targets and goals of environmental justice. However, the disjuncture between SDG 10 and environmental goals within the SDGs may undermine efforts to promote environmental justice. Trade is not included in SDG 10; this is an important gap as markets for forest products can drive forest resource extraction, exacerbating inequalities among actors within global production networks. If SDG 10 addresses structural inequalities, it is also likely to support distributive, representational and recognition justice for forest-dependent populations. However, the myopic translation of its aspirational targets into easily measurable indicators may dampen the potential effects of addressing SDG10 in advancing environmental justice. Addressing ‘migration’ related targets and indicators is likely to elevate the importance of these issues in forestry policy and research, while also prompting a re-thinking of some of the underlying assumptions informing existing research in forestry.